Uddhav Thackeray has publicly alleged that the 2022 Shiv Sena rebellion was not merely a power grab but a strategic operation — 'Op Devendra,' he calls it — designed to keep Devendra Fadnavis contained as a state-level satrap rather than allow him to emerge as a credible PM contender, according to Hindustan Times.

The 5W+H: Who, What, When, Where, Why, How

  • Who: Shiv Sena (UBT) chief Uddhav Thackeray, Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis, and the BJP's central leadership figure prominently in this political row, as reported by Hindustan Times and ANI.
  • What: Uddhav alleged the Sena rebellion of 2022 was orchestrated to clip Fadnavis's national ambitions and prevent his rise as a PM candidate, coining the term 'Op Devendra,' per Hindustan Times.
  • When: The remarks surfaced in mid-2026 amid renewed Uddhav-Fadnavis friction and shortly after the NDA's 16-0 sweep in Maharashtra MLC elections, according to ANI and IANS reports.
  • Where: Mumbai, Maharashtra — the political theatre where Fadnavis governs as CM and Uddhav Thackeray operates as the opposition's loudest Maratha voice.
  • Why: Uddhav's framing suggests the rebellion served Delhi's succession calculus — ensuring no BJP leader outside the core circle accumulates the stature to challenge for the top job by 2029, as reported by Hindustan Times.
  • How: By engineering a split in the Sena, Uddhav alleges, the central leadership simultaneously weakened his party and burdened Fadnavis with coalition management that caps his ceiling — a reading Hindustan Times attributes to the Uddhav camp's political narrative.

Sixteen seats out of seventeen. Zero for the opposition. And the man who lost everything — his party symbol, his MLAs, his government — chose precisely this moment, when Devendra Fadnavis's NDA looked invincible in the Maharashtra MLC elections, to lob the one grenade the ruling dispensation has no scripted answer for.

Uddhav Thackeray's quip — 'You can't clip my wings' — was delivered with the nonchalance of a man who has stopped calculating electoral arithmetic and started playing a longer, more dangerous game: naming, out loud, the thing BJP insiders in Nagpur and Delhi have only ever whispered about after the third cup of chai.

The allegation is deceptively simple. According to Hindustan Times, Uddhav has framed the entire 2022 Shiv Sena rebellion — the Eknath Shinde-led exodus that brought down his government — as 'Op Devendra': an operation whose primary purpose was not to install a compliant Sena faction in power, but to contain Devendra Fadnavis. Not to help him, but to cage him. To ensure the most electorally successful BJP leader outside Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh never accumulates enough independent stature to be mentioned in the same breath as a PM candidate for 2029.

The Quip That Named the Quiet Part

Politicians rarely reveal their sharpest read in a press conference. They save it for the corridor, the car ride, the late-night phone call. What makes Uddhav's move remarkable is not the claim itself — versions of it have circulated in Marathi political circles since 2022 — but that he said it on camera, for attribution, and with a timing that turns Fadnavis's own triumph into the evidence.

Consider the sequence, as reported by ANI and IANS. Fadnavis's NDA just swept the MLC polls with a dominance that no Maharashtra CM has managed in recent memory. The logical opposition response is to cry foul about horse-trading or lament MVA's organisational decay. Instead, Uddhav reframed the entire victory as proof of a trap: the more Fadnavis wins in Maharashtra, the more he is defined as a regional heavyweight, never a national one.

It is a judo move — using the opponent's own momentum against him. And it lands because there is a grain of uncomfortable truth embedded in it that neither Fadnavis nor the BJP central command can easily swat away without opening a conversation they would rather not have.

Political Pulse

The corridors of power in both Nagpur and Delhi have hummed with a version of this calculation for years, though rarely on the record. The talk among Maharashtra BJP insiders, as political observers have noted, runs roughly like this: Fadnavis was, by 2019, the most electorally proven non-Modi, non-Shah BJP leader in the country. He had delivered a massive 2014 mandate, managed a complex state with relative administrative competence, and crucially, he belonged to a caste — Brahmin — and a region — Vidarbha — that gave him a profile distinct from the Gujarat-centric power nucleus.

The whispers in political circles suggest that the Sena split did two things simultaneously. First, it removed an opposition Sena that had embarrassed the BJP by walking away from the alliance. Second — and this is the reading Uddhav is now publicly validating — it saddled Fadnavis with coalition baggage (Shinde's faction, Ajit Pawar's NCP wing) that made him permanently dependent on Delhi's goodwill to manage his own government. A CM who needs the high command to mediate between his own allies every quarter is, by definition, not a threat to the high command.

(This reflects political corridor chatter and analytical speculation, not confirmed strategic admissions from any party.)

The 2029 Chessboard: Who Benefits from the Noise?

India Herald's read of what is really driving Uddhav's timing is less about revenge and more about the calendar. The 2029 general election is roughly three years away. Succession questions — who leads the BJP after the Modi era, or alongside a diminished-majority Modi — are no longer abstract dinner-party speculation. They are active, live calculations inside the RSS ecosystem and among state-unit presidents, according to multiple political analysts tracking the party's internal dynamics.

The names that circulate in such conversations — Yogi Adityanath, Nitin Gadkari, and yes, Devendra Fadnavis — share one thing: none of them can be openly discussed as successors without triggering a disciplinary reflex from the central leadership. By naming the dynamic publicly, Uddhav does something no BJP insider can: he forces the party to either deny the fault-line (thereby drawing more attention to it) or ignore it (thereby letting the narrative set).

There is also a Maratha sub-national pride dimension that Uddhav is activating, as observers of Maharashtra politics have noted. The implicit message to the Marathi electorate is: Your strongest leader is being kept on a leash by Delhi. I, at least, refused the leash — and lost my party for it. Whether that translates into votes for Sena (UBT) is debatable; that it creates a splinter of doubt in the minds of Fadnavis's own voters is harder to dismiss.

Fadnavis's Dilemma: Win Too Much, Rise Too Little

The cruel irony of Fadnavis's position, if Uddhav's framing gains traction, is that every state-level victory becomes a double-edged sword. A 16-0 MLC sweep proves he can deliver Maharashtra — but 'delivering Maharashtra' is precisely the box the central leadership needs him to stay inside, according to this reading.

Compare his trajectory to Yogi Adityanath's. Yogi governs India's largest state and commands a personal cadre that operates semi-independently of the central BJP apparatus. Fadnavis, by contrast, governs through a coalition he did not choose, with allies whose loyalty runs to Delhi, not to him. The Shinde faction and the Ajit Pawar wing are, in this analysis, not partners but guardrails — ensuring the CM's power is always delegated, never autonomous.

A senior political commentator, speaking to the broader dynamics at play in Indian federalism, has observed that coalition CMs in the BJP's current model function more like governors than like power centres — they execute Delhi's writ with local branding. Whether Fadnavis fits this description or has genuine room to manoeuvre is the question his camp has conspicuously declined to address in public since Uddhav's remarks.

What Uddhav Gains — and What He Risks

The calculation for Uddhav is not without peril. By painting Fadnavis as a victim of Delhi's containment, he paradoxically risks generating sympathy for his chief rival among the Marathi electorate. The 'clipped wings' narrative could, if mishandled, recast Fadnavis as a tragic hero rather than a compliant satrap.

But the Sena (UBT) chief appears to be betting that the dominant emotion among political audiences is not sympathy but suspicion — suspicion that Delhi treats Maharashtra as a colony to be managed, not a state to be empowered. It is a bet rooted in the same Marathi pride that Balasaheb Thackeray mined for decades, updated for a generation that watches its CM fly to Delhi for permission slips more often than any predecessor.

The deeper risk is institutional. If Uddhav's framing becomes the accepted narrative in Maharashtra's political discourse, it poisons not just Fadnavis's relationship with the central leadership but the entire architecture of cooperative federalism the BJP has constructed since 2014. Every future state leader who delivers landslide after landslide will now carry a question mark: Is this person being rewarded, or being contained?

The Silence That Speaks

Perhaps the most telling detail in this entire episode is what has not been said. As of the latest reports from ANI and IANS, Fadnavis has responded to Uddhav's remarks with characteristic composure — neither confirming the 'Op Devendra' narrative nor offering the full-throated denial that would bury it. The BJP's central leadership has, according to available reports, maintained silence.

In Indian politics, silence from the top is never neutral. It is either consent or calculation. And on the 2029 chessboard, where every piece is being quietly repositioned while the official line remains 'there is no vacancy,' Uddhav Thackeray has done the one thing a weakened opposition leader can still do: he has named the game. Whether naming it changes the outcome, or merely confirms what everyone already suspected, is the question Maharashtra — and Delhi — will be answering for the next three years.

By the Numbers

  • NDA won 16 out of 17 Maharashtra MLC seats, MVA won zero — a dominance ratio unprecedented in recent state legislative council elections, per ANI.
  • Shiv Sena (UBT) lost its original party symbol and the majority of its MLAs in the 2022 rebellion, according to Hindustan Times.

Key Takeaways

  • Uddhav Thackeray has publicly alleged the 2022 Sena rebellion was 'Op Devendra' — designed to contain Fadnavis's PM ambitions, not empower him, according to Hindustan Times.
  • The NDA's 16-0 MLC sweep in Maharashtra, per ANI, paradoxically strengthens Uddhav's framing: every state-level win keeps Fadnavis defined as a regional satrap.
  • Political corridor chatter suggests Fadnavis's coalition structure — Shinde faction, Ajit Pawar wing — functions as guardrails that keep his power delegated to Delhi.
  • Uddhav's timing coincides with the 2029 succession conversation heating up, with Fadnavis, Yogi Adityanath, and Nitin Gadkari among the names circulating in RSS and BJP circles, according to political analysts.
  • The BJP central leadership's silence on Uddhav's allegations, as of IANS and ANI reports, is itself a data point — neither denial nor confirmation, leaving the narrative to set.

Frequently Asked Questions

Why did Uddhav Thackeray lose Shiv Sena?

In June 2022, a majority of Shiv Sena MLAs led by Eknath Shinde rebelled against Uddhav Thackeray's leadership, citing ideological differences over the alliance with Congress and NCP in the Maha Vikas Aghadi government. The Election Commission subsequently recognised the Shinde faction as the official Shiv Sena, awarding it the original party symbol, according to Hindustan Times.

What is 'Op Devendra' that Uddhav Thackeray refers to?

'Op Devendra' is Uddhav Thackeray's term for what he alleges was a centrally orchestrated operation — the 2022 Sena rebellion — whose real purpose was to contain Devendra Fadnavis's national ambitions by burdening him with coalition dependencies, rather than simply to change the Maharashtra government, as reported by Hindustan Times.

Is Devendra Fadnavis a contender for PM in 2029?

Fadnavis is among the BJP leaders — alongside Yogi Adityanath and Nitin Gadkari — whose names circulate in succession conversations, according to political analysts. However, no official BJP position on post-Modi succession exists, and the central leadership has not publicly acknowledged any such candidacy.

Who leads Shiv Sena UBT?

Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray), commonly called Sena (UBT), is led by Uddhav Thackeray, son of party founder Balasaheb Thackeray. It is the faction that remained loyal to Uddhav after the 2022 split, per Hindustan Times.

Find out more: